As a medium, comic books have come a long way from simply being called the “funny papers.” What used to be considered disposable entertainment in the early 1900s has since evolved into a real and tangible medium for literary significance. Whether it’s deconstructive like Watchmen (by Alan Moore and Dave Gibbons) or celebratory like All-Star Superman(by Grant Morrison and Frank Quitely), comic books have shown that the medium of superheroes is one that can convey powerful stories. But as the tales are released, it’s much harder for creators to leave a long-lasting impact. But there are few that have broken the mold and proven themselves, whether in the written or drawn form.
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Matt Fraction is a comic writer that has worked on countless comic stories and characters. While he’s most recently known for his work on the comic series Sex Criminals, which he tackled with Chip Zdarsky, he’s also ventured into the worlds of DC and Marvel Comics. But his most outstanding work on Marvel changed multiple characters for the better. That said, what truly made these characters stand out had nothing to do with epic battles or moments but everything to do with Fraction’s unique writing style. But in bringing his brand of writing to Marvel, he also redefined how stories in the universe were told.
Matt Fraction’s Style Grounds Its Characters
Matt Fraction came onto the scene at Marvel, penning X-Men stories that helped to establish himself as a writer. But he truly let his style shine in the Immortal Iron Fist series, where he worked with Ed Brubaker and artist David Aja. From there, he began to make massive strides working on Iron Man, Thor, Fantastic Four, and his most prominent series, Hawkeye. It was actually with the characters Iron Fist, Hawkeye, and Iron Man that Fraction’s effects on the Marvel Universe were most evident. Where many writers have made their mark in world-building or high-stakes battles, Fraction used its most unlikely heroes to create grounded personalities that made them more relatable than ever.
Even though Iron Fist was street-level, he was either a kung-fu master or a laid-back hero to readers. But Fraction proved that there didn’t need to be a separation. The conflict in a man who lives such an adventurous life became a major focus of his characterization and brought a new vulnerability to the character. On the other hand, Iron Man has always been a larger-than-life hero that few could relate to personally. But with his run on Invincible Iron Man (by Matt Fraction and Salvador Larroca), audiences were treated to a version of Tony that embraced his mistakes and flaws. That said, it wasn’t until Hawkeye (by Fraction and David Aja)that Fraction proved how his style could work, as it wasn’t a tale with high stakes but a slice-of-life story that focused on an Avenger that never got the attention he deserved. It brought a level of humanity to the character that helped make him more beloved than ever.
Matt Fraction’s Style Redefined Marvel Superheroes
It’s been some time since Matt Fraction has written for Marvel, but his impact has remained and served as a foundation for other great writers to be inspired by. What has made his work such a standout in the genre has been that he showcases the grounded side of some of Marvel’s largest and smallest heroes. Whether it’s Hawkeye or Iron Man, these private moments that older stories wouldn’t have focused on showed that these heroes aren’t as different from one another as they may think. For example, in Hawkeye, Clint is often shown using amazing marksmanship but returns home to relax before more problems come to face him. In many ways, it mirrors real life and the few moments people have to relax.
By embracing this grounded approach to storytelling, writers have allowed fans to get more into the head of their favorite characters and understand their routines. But what has made this direction work with other characters and how Fraction showed a new side to its characters without sacrificing the action or habits that make these heroes great. In essence, Iron Fist can still be an adventurer and Iron Man a jet-setting superhero, but now readers know that they also wonder about if they’ll get a callback or left the oven on. It’s a disarming approach but one that has redefined Marvel Comics for years to come.
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VERSATILE – 60 Minutes of adjustable timer for cooking versatility with 7 presets that allows you to cook with little or no oil for low-calorie, low-fat meals perfect to fry, bake, grill, and roast
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This item: BLACK+DECKER 5.6L/1.5Kg 1800W XL Digital Air Fryer For Frying, Grilling, Broiling, Roasting, and Baking / مقلاة اهوائية BLACK + DECKER 5.6L/1.5Kg XL للقلي والشوي والشواء والتحميص والخبز
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Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 12 October 2022
Style: 5.6 LitersVerified Purchase
Better for your time good cooking. Food was delicious, healthy . I didn’t feel stomachache from fried food as usual Minimal oil use. I’d recommend that item.
Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 23 July 2021
Style: 5.8 LitersVerified Purchase
Awesome fryier, since got it I stopped using oven. You can cook anything you want!
Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 24 August 2021
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Great quality product fit for the job, ample capacity and the brush finish makes it looks amazing
Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 18 August 2021
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Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 26 October 2022
We are a big family with this air fryer my cooking is made very easy. I feel it’s reasonably priced and high capacity which helps homemakers to cook large quantities in one go.
Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 6 October 2022
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Reviewed in the United Arab Emirates on 8 April 2021
Amazing product, good for fine cooking, perfect for healthy family.
5.0 out of 5 stars
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Reviewed in Egypt on 25 March 2022
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عجبني حجمها وتسويتها للاكل وسهولة استخدامها ولكن لم يعجبني ان سعرها زاد 1500 جنيه بين يوم وليلة ومش عارفة اكلم مين عشان اخد فاتورة ضريبيةلتفعيل الضملن
4.0 out of 5 stars
المنتج جميل جدا لكن جالى من غير فاتورة عاوزة فاتورة
Reviewed in Egypt on 4 January 2022
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المفيد للتجارة المنتج جالى بدون فاتورة من فضلك عاوزة فاتورة لتفعيل الضمان من فضلك
So much changes from week to week around the NFL, and we’re here to make sure you’re on top of it all heading into Week 12 of the 2022 NFL season.
The weekly fantasy football cheat sheet provides a rundown of the best tips from all the fantasy football content that ESPN has posted over the past seven days. You’ll find answers to the biggest start/sit questions of the week and other pertinent matchup advice from our team, including Field Yates, Mike Clay, Eric Karabell, Tristan H. Cockcroft, Matt Bowen, Seth Walder, Al Zeidenfeld, Eric Moody, Liz Loza, Daniel Dopp and ESPN Insiders Jeremy Fowler and Dan Graziano, plus all of NFL Nation. It’s all the best advice in one handy article.
Here’s what our experts are saying about Week 12 in the NFL:
Leftovers at running back
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The Thursday tripleheader of Thanksgiving football action took a lot of running back options off the board for fantasy managers headed into the Week 12 weekend. So, if you had decisions to make on whether to roll with the likes of Ezekiel Elliott, Tony Pollard, Rhamondre Stevenson, Saquon Barkley, Jamaal Williams, D’Andre Swift and Dalvin Cook, we’re hoping you made the correct calls. For those still with RB spots to fill in their lineups, here are a few thoughts on some of the more confusing backfield situations our fantasy experts were discussing prior to turkey time.
The Los Angeles Rams waived starting back Darrell Henderson Jr. on Tuesday. The move was surprising given that Henderson has started 28 games over the past three seasons, including seven this season. That means the Rams are down to just two running backs on the active roster in Kyren Williams and Cam Akers, the latter of whom was nearly traded earlier this season. The backfield has been in flux for much of the season, and the Rams’ rushing attack has been largely anemic, averaging 76.1 yards per game, second-worst in the NFL. Akers led the team with 14 carries for 61 yards in Week 11, his best performance of the season and a decided edge over Williams’ seven carries. While this cracks the door open to Akers bringing back a bit of value, my feeling is that given the offensive line play and injuries this season, no back is certain to carry starting value in fantasy for this team. Both Akers and Williams are fine to add to your bench, in case one eventually takes on a large enough role to merit lineup consideration. — Yates
Williams averaged 5 yards per carry (on seven rushing attempts) in the Rams’ Week 11 game versus the Saints, while leading the L.A. backfield with 35 snaps. And Williams has logged four receptions in his past two games. He could be an emerging player for a team that is still trying to establish a run game identity this season. Williams and the Rams get the Chiefs in Week 12. — Bowen
Clyde Edwards-Helaire has a fifth-year option for 2023, so the Kansas City Chiefs have a decision to make. He had been phased out of the offense even before a high ankle sprain sent him to IR, while rookie Isiah Pacheco had a career-high 107 yards on 15 attempts against the Chargers, becoming the first Chiefs running back to eclipse 100 rushing yards this season. Beginning in Week 12, Kansas City’s schedule is very favorable for running backs, and Pacheco could become the front-runner to lead the Chiefs’ committee in 2023 if he performs well. — Moody
My past few sleepers produced modestly so here’s a surer bet. Latavius Murray has averaged 14.8 touches per game since joining Denver in early October, including 72 yards and a touchdown on 21 touches last week vs. the Raiders. Melvin Gordon III‘s presence clouded the tailback picture in Denver, but his release — coupled with Chase Edmonds‘ high ankle sprain clears the path for Murray to throw it back to 2015, when he last made a Pro Bowl. — Fowler
Looking for the latest injury news leading up to kickoff? Check out all of the Week 12 inactives here.
Clarity coming to Tampa Bay?
Best of ESPN Fantasy Football Content
With three games in the books, Week 12 continues Sunday with a full slate of games. We’ve got you covered with this week’s top stories and analysis.
•Fantasy Field Pass
Latavius Murray, George Pickens among emerging fantasy helpers.
•The Playbook: Week 12
Mike Clay breaks down each game from all angles, with projections and advice for key players.
•Last-Minute Pickups
Matt Bowen lists players you can add in deeper leagues or to replace injured players in Week 12.
While injuries, releases and timeshares have made some backfield situations a bit more cloudy over the past few weeks, when it comes to the Tampa Bay Buccaneers, it does seem like we’re moving away from a tag team effort and more toward a one-man show. Let’s see how our experts feel about a potential new RB1 emerging.
Leonard Fournette took a hit in my Week 12 ranks due to the production we saw from Rachaad White the last time the Buccaneers were on the field (Week 10). White got that start in that game, Fournette left with an injury and the rookie running back logged 105 yards rushing — on 22 carries. The tape was really good, too. White played with some juice. With the expectation that both backs factor into Tampa’s Week 12 game plan versus Cleveland, Fournette slips down to the lower-tier RB2/flex range here. — Bowen
Start White. The Browns are vulnerable against the run (only Houston allows more fantasy points per game to running backs), and White’s role is one that’s only continuing to grow in the Bucs’ offense. Even if Fournette comes out of the bye healthy, I expect White to continue to get more and more work as the Bucs look to spark their offense. — Graziano
White could play another 65% of the offensive snaps regardless of Fournette’s (hip) status, after a breakthrough Week 10, but even in a split arrangement, White stands out against a Browns defense that has seen four different running backs score at least 14.5 PPR fantasy points in just the past two weeks. — Cockcroft
Quick hits, starts and sits
Consider it an outlier because of Lamar Jackson‘s history. Since 2019, Jackson has completed 449 passes to wide receivers, which ranks 22nd in the NFL. Jackson has always preferred throwing to tight ends. This is why Mark Andrews is the only safe fantasy play in the passing game. But Demarcus Robinson might have a chance to produce consistently if he continues to get open. Last Sunday, Robinson was open (3-plus yards of separation) on five of his nine targets, according to NFL Next Gen Stats. The Ravens will also look to get wide receiver Devin Duvernay more touches, which could impact Robinson’s productivity. — Jamison Hensley
Treylon Burks‘ success should be a sign of things to come in the future, but his target share could be inconsistent. The Titans have tried all season to scheme up ways to get him the football. Unfortunately, opportunities aren’t always abundant because of the Titans’ focus on the run game. Still, expect Burks to make big plays via the play-action passing game. The 51-yard reception that Burks made to seal the Packers game is an excellent example of how he and quarterback Ryan Tannehill can take advantage of one-on-one opportunities when teams focus on stopping Derrick Henry. — Turron Davenport
The Colts have allowed the fewest fantasy points to wide receivers, as well as the fifth-fewest to the perimeter and fourth-fewest to the slot. Top corner Stephon Gilmore has often been called on to shadow on the boundary, including a combined 110 of 118 perimeter routes (93%) run by Brandin Cooks, Travis Kelce, Courtland Sutton, Nick Westbrook-Ikhine, Terry McLaurin and A.J. Brown in those six games. That suggests it’s possible he travels with Diontae Johnson this week, but it’s no sure thing considering how impactful George Pickens has been in recent weeks. In fact, Gilmore did not shadow Davante Adams in Week 10. Regardless, this is a tough matchup overall for Johnson and Pickens and we should lower expectations. — Clay
Downgrade Deebo Samuel. Screens, it turns out, perform the worst against man coverage with two high safeties. At first, this surprised me, but I think what might be happening here — I can’t be sure — is that wide receiver screens against 2-man suffer, given the lack of cushion and a safety in good position. And if that’s right, that’s not ideal news for Samuel, because no wide receiver runs more screens than him and no defense runs more Cover 2 man than the Saints. Of course, even running the most 2-man doesn’t mean they run it a ton — just 19% of the time. Still, every advantage — or disadvantage — matters, so this could be a slight deterrent on Samuel’s Sunday. — Walder
Geno Smith‘s performance this year is night-and-day improved upon either of his two seasons as a Jets starter (2013-14), his 2017 as a Giants backup or his three fill-in starts for the 2021 Seahawks. Smith has completed at least 64% of his pass attempts in all 10 games this season, the only player in the NFL who can claim that (no other quarterback has more than seven total such games in 2022). That level of accuracy will suit him well against the Raiders, whose defense has allowed a league-high 71.5% completion rate and afforded quarterbacks a league-most 0.49 fantasy points per passing attempt. — Cockcroft
In the absence of Cooper Kupp, Tyler Higbee ($4,200 DraftKings, $5,700 FanDuel) has a guaranteed floor of targets much like he had early in the season when Van Jefferson was out. As the first or second option on many of the Rams’ dropbacks, Higbee brings a solid floor, especially considering that Los Angeles should be playing from behind as a 14.5-point underdog against the Chiefs. — Zeidenfeld
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Environmental crime thrives across the Amazon as a result of low state resilience. Some efforts have been made to combat it. However, corruption, a lack of political will, and limited articulation between public agencies form an explosive mixture that has resulted in soaring deforestation.
Legislative Framework
Each of our countries of study has its own legislative framework designed to protect the environment. However, contradictions, ambiguities, and legal gaps mean that these often fall short of combating environmental crime.
In Bolivia, a number of laws are in place to target environmental crime. However, legal gaps and contradictions mean that perpetrators are rarely punished.
The Law of Mother Earth and Integral Development for Living Well in Law 300 of 2012 lays out the government’s commitment to protecting the environment and promoting sustainable living. This has been the legal basis of norms used to regulate the management of natural resources across the nation, including water and hydrocarbons. However, alongside this, successive governments have promoted expansive agricultural activities and cattle rearing, which are often linked to land grabbing. This raises questions about how effective the law has been in curbing environmental crime.
Otherwise, the nation’s penal code outlines penalties for a number of environmental crimes. Article 358 states that anybody who destroys forests, jungles, pastures, or crops should receive a prison sentence of between one to six years. Article 206 details that anybody who creates a fire to make way for agriculture (that spreads and damages other properties) faces two to four years of imprisonment. Fires continue to incinerate Bolivia’s Amazon and other regions, suggesting this legislation has failed to fend off perpetrators.
As for wildlife trafficking, penalties are light. Law 1333 of 1992 punishes illegal hunting, fishing, and capturing animals using explosives with one to three years in prison.
In Venezuela, the Organic Environmental Law of 2006 provides guidance for the management of natural resources and lays out constitutional rights to a safe, healthy, and ecologically-balanced environment for all. Articles 64 and 71 highlight a public right to access information on the environment. The state is tasked with controlling its dissemination. However, the Maduro regime has not fulfilled this function. In 2012, the government stopped publishing environmental datasets. This has made reliable data on environmental crime, deforestation, and biodiversity loss incredibly hard to come by.
The Penal Law of the Environment (Ley Penal del Ambiente) of 2012 lays out how environmental crimes in the nation should be handled. The illegal occupation of protected areas is punished by two months to one year of imprisonment. Illegal hunting faces a maximum sentence of five years and those involved in non-metallic mining, like coal or sand, in or near water sources can spend up to eight years in prison.
Gold mining, however, is not included. On the contrary, it has been promoted by the Maduro regime. In February 2016, President Nicolás Maduro created a new legal framework for mining that included the formal creation of the Orinoco Mining Arc. This has been used to boost mining activity. Despite this “legal framework,” a lack of regulation and enforcement, corrupt officials, and the power of NSAGs mean that unrestrained gold mining has fueled deforestation.
Laws designed to target environmental crime in Ecuador have been relatively lax and, in some cases, contradictory.
A landmark decision was made in 2008 to legally recognize nature as having inherent rights when the nation rewrote its constitution. This included a new chapter on the “Rights of Nature.” Articles 71 and 72 detail how nature in all its forms has the “right to exist, persist, maintain, and regenerate.” As a result of this, ecosystems themselves can be named as “defendants” in Ecuador. The new constitution, however, also permitted mining in protected areas, on special request of the president and the National Assembly’s approval.
Most environmental crimes committed in the nation are punished with relatively light penalties.
Chapter Four of the nation’s penal code provides guidelines on how to punish a wide range of environmental crimes. These include forest fires, crimes against flora and fauna, and illegal mining.
For most of these crimes, offenders are punished with one to three years in prison. Article 246 similarly punishes anyone who directly or indirectly causes fires in native forests. Article 245 lays out the same punishment for anybody who invades protected areas.
Anybody involved in the hunting, fishing, capture, collection, extraction, trafficking, possession, transport, exchange, or trade of endangered species also faces this sentence. Julia Salvador, at WCS Ecuador, revealed that, in many cases, those caught for wildlife trafficking who receive the maximum sentence of three years “get out free in a year or are not even sent to prison.”
In contrast, Guyana has a robust legal framework used to target environmental crime. Successive governments have regularly updated this as fresh challenges have emerged.
Unlike its Amazonian counterparts, Guyana is known for its strict laws and regulations when it comes to the management of natural resources. Its government has developed a green state development strategy that lays out a “green agenda” that is expected to run until 2040. The agenda will reportedly work towards a “green economy defined by sustainable, low-carbon, and resilient development that uses its resources efficiently, and is sustained over generations.”
The most important piece of legislation used to combat environmental crime in the nation is the Environmental Protection Act of 1996. This recognizes the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) as the main agency tasked with handling environmental issues in Guyana. This act also provides guidelines on the management, conservation, and protection of the environment, as well as the sustainable use of natural resources.
Unlike other countries in the region, Suriname’s legal framework dances between national and departmental mechanisms. This dynamic makes it challenging to enforce laws.
When it comes to legal procedures, mining, in particular, is a problematic area for the nation.
Legal concessions are relatively easy to obtain. They are issued by the Geology and Mining Department (GMD) of the Ministry of Natural Resources. Before a concession is approved, Indigenous groups or other locals present in the affected area are supposed to be consulted. Then, a district commissioner submits non-binding advice to the ministry.
However, there is no way local people can appeal against official decisions to allocate concessions on their lands. What’s more, in practice, concessions are typically granted without a full consultation, paving the way for deforestation to occur.
Political Will and Leadership
Some clear attempts to fight environmental crime in the Amazon have been made by successive governments in our countries of study. However, the political will to fight deforestation and biodiversity loss in the region has largely been inconsistent. At times, public rhetoric and proposals have clashed with actions later taken.
In Bolivia, successive governments have promoted cattle rearing and agricultural activities as key motors for economic development. Initially, when these dynamics were first being promoted under Morales, an attempt was made to reconcile the relationship between land use and conservation. However, this rhetoric largely offset attempts to fight deforestation in the nation’s Amazon region.
After the end of Morales’ term in office, it has become commonplace to see this contradictory political messaging continue. Luis Arce, Bolivia’s current president, has promised to reactivate the country’s economy, which has been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic. Promoting agricultural activities will be at the forefront of this recovery plan.
“The current government is a continuation of that of [former President] Evo Morales,” a Bolivian journalist explained. “The expansion of the agricultural frontier to promote development in the country is a policy that will persist. It is stipulated in the National Development Plan.”
Successive governments have also continued to promote mining and the creation of mining cooperatives to facilitate economic growth. As a result, mining has been carried out in protected areas such as Madidi National Park and areas surrounding the Beni River.
Alongside this, high-level attempts to safeguard the nation’s Amazon region from illegal acts have lacked any real bite. For example, successive governments have failed to take any substantial action to curb uncontrolled fires used to make way for agricultural expansion.
In part, the lack of a political will to combat environmental crime results from the strong rapport between the governing MAS party and economic groups that benefit from agriculture and mining.
Venezuela has shown itself to be even less willing to target environmental crime in its Amazon. As in Bolivia, unrestrained mining activity is actively promoted by state officials.
During the nation’s ongoing crisis, the Maduro regime’s finances have been hit hard by US sanctions and falling oil prices. As a result, the regime has increasingly promoted gold mining to attempt to make up the difference. Rampant deforestation has been a direct result of this policy.
This will likely persist for as long as Maduro is in power. Gold is a major source of financing for the current government, the military, and NSAGs allied with it. Meanwhile, the opposition rarely brings up the environment as a topic of political interest. As such, there is no real political will to restrict the activity or reduce its impact.
Venezuela is one of just a few countries that did not submit a voluntary carbon emission reduction target as part of the 2016 Paris Climate Agreement, which aimed to foster a global response to climate change.
Environmental datasets have also been hidden from public view. There is no official data available on deforestation, endangered wildlife, or mining in Venezuela. Environmental impact studies have not been undertaken and Indigenous peoples have not been appropriately consulted as plans for mining are made.
When combined, these factors show that the political will to combat environmental crime and deforestation in Venezuela’s Amazon is largely non-existent.
In contrast, some steps have been taken in Ecuador to show the nation is taking environmental crime more seriously. The 2008 landmark decision to recognize nature as having inherent rights was a leap forward, in rhetoric at least.
However, as in Bolivia, this has been offset by the state’s ongoing promotion of industrial activities (like mining, oil exploration, and palm oil cultivation) across the nation’s Amazon. Palm oil cultivation has been linked to land grabbing in the nation’s Amazon region, while illegal miners have encroached on protected territories. It is difficult to say that the government is clamping down on environmental crime while these dynamics are at play.
This paradox looks set to continue. President Guillermo Lasso, who was sworn in on May 2021, promised to boost extractive industries during his electoral campaign.
On top of this, a lack of consistent public data available on deforestation points to a low political will to monitor and resolve environmental crimes. This correlates with the weakness of environmental institutions in the nation. A high turnover of ministers, budget cuts, and the unexplained dismissal of personnel have led to a gradual weakening of the nation’s Ministry of the Environment and Water.
When taken together, these factors show a relatively low political will to target environmental crime in Ecuador’s Amazon in any meaningful way.
In Guyana, the ongoing evolution of Guyana’s legal framework to protect the environment and its international commitment to preserve its forest indicates the country is committed to fending off environmental crime, especially illegal logging. At the same time, however, the country is in a race to exploit its mining and oil resources, which has had an impact on the degradation of its ecosystems.
Meanwhile, in Suriname, some political will to combat deforestation and its drivers moving forward is apparent. However, the results of recent promises are yet to be seen.
President Chan Santokhi, who has led the country since July 2020, has promised to better regulate the mining sector, in order to reduce its environmental impact and increase tax income.
On top of this, the current government has advocated for Indigenous rights to be considered as mining concessions are handed out.
With its plan to create a new mining department in the Ministry of Natural Resources, it seems Indigenous groups will finally have a voice in these processes. The department plans to engage with local communities and no longer grant concessions without local approval. If successful, this will be a leap forward in a country where Indigenous communities have long been ignored when concessions have been granted.
Unfortunately, according to members of local communities affected by mining, informal relationships between state officials and miners still decide who is allowed to mine legally and who is not. As such, Suriname still has some challenges to overcome when it comes to transparency around activities like mining.
However, steps are being taken in the right direction. The mining department implemented a program for concession applications to be submitted online starting in 2019, to make processes more transparent. While there is some political will to make proactive changes, the results are yet to be seen.
Multilateral Cooperation
Our countries of study largely fail to cooperate between themselves (and with other nations in the region and beyond) to tackle environmental crime in the Amazon. This is a clear area for improvement.
In Glasgow, the majority of the Amazonian countries pledged to end deforestation in under a decade. The international community promised nearly $30 billion in funding “to help unleash the potential of forests and sustainable land use.”
Despite the fanfare, there are clear shortcomings in the agreement, with Bolivia and Venezuela not signing up and the commitment of the Amazonian countries that did, especially Brazil, being called into question. Ultimately, the goal spelled out at COP26 is just that: a goal without a substantive roadmap to get there, or legislative teeth to enforce it along the way. At the regional level, similar degrees of divergence on environmental protection become clear.
Some treaties and formal alliances between Amazonian countries exist in name. The Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) was established in 2002. It is made up of Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela. ACTO’s origins date back to 1978 when the eight countries signed the Amazon Cooperation Treaty (ACT).
The organization is currently working on a new Strategic Agenda for the 2021-2030 period. To date, it has set up different projects to strengthen institutional and civilian efforts around the management, handling, and monitoring of water and forest resources, as well as species of flora and fauna.
However, the impact of these efforts has been limited. Amazonian countries have traditionally struggled to strike a balance between environmental protection and economic development. This trend has hampered collaborative efforts to fight deforestation and environmental crime in some cases.
On top of this, ACTO lacks financial resources and faces internal difficulties. Decisionmaking is slow and projections fall short of what they set out to achieve. In this context, it should be a priority for future research to be able to contribute to the construction of a dialogue that supports cooperation with ACTO.
With ACTO struggling, the Leticia Pact was signed by Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Brazil, Suriname, and Guyana in 2019.
The agreement seeks to strengthen coordinated action to fight deforestation in the Amazon rainforest, facilitate cooperation and the exchange of information, create an Amazonian Network for Cooperation in the face of natural disasters, and promote research and technological development to fight environmental crime and deforestation. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) provided funding so each signatory can set up initiatives to combat deforestation within the pact’s framework.
Finally, the Escazú Agreement, a regional treaty approved in 2018, seeks to expand access to environmental information, enhance public participation in environmental decision-making, and protect environmental activists in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is important to note that while Bolivia, Ecuador, and Guyana have ratified this agreement, Venezuela and Suriname have yet to sign it. There is no real indication that they will.
While both the Escazú Agreement and Leticia Pact mark a step in the right direction, their results are yet to be seen. For them to work effectively, each country must get on board and a number of challenges must be overcome.
Environmental expert María Antonia Tigre explained that international cooperation to protect the Amazon comes with difficulties, including “political challenges, conflicts of interests, the financial ambitions of countries, as well as biological, ethnic, and social diversities between them.” However, if environmental crime is to be combated in the Amazon, these challenges must be overcome.
Civil Society
In many cases, our countries of study have seen more effective action taken by civil society organizations than state authorities in tackling environmental crime across the Amazon.
While most state responses in Bolivia have been contradictory, civil society organizations in the nation have made focused, active attempts to combat illegal logging, mining, and wildlife trafficking in its Amazon region.
Casa Verde, a platform created by the Conservation Strategy Fund (CSF), has promoted sustainability in Bolivia by bringing local communities on board and raising awareness of the damage environmental crimes cause. The platform connects individuals and businesses with environmental organizations so they can work together on sustainability projects.
A number of civil society groups have also acted to combat wildlife trafficking in the nation. These include Bolivian Network to Combat Wildlife Trafficking (Red Boliviana de Combate al Tráfico de Animales Silvestres – RE-BOCTAS), Animal S.O.S., La Paz Municipal Zoo, Love for Animals Association (Asociación Amor por los Animales Bolivia – APLAB), the Earth Foundation, and CONTIOCAP.
To date, these initiatives have wielded greater success than national-level attempts to combat environmental crime in Bolivia.
Like in Bolivia, civil society groups play a more active role in monitoring environmental crime across Venezuela’s Amazon region than the state. Civilians, non-governmental organizations, and universities are keen to protect the rainforest, but they rely on economic support from overseas to act effectively.
SOS Orinoco, an advocacy group set up in 2018 by a group of experts inside and outside of Venezuela, has been a key player in documenting environmental crime south of the Orinoco River. It has investigated mining in the region, as well as the criminal organizations involved in it. The group has also documented the destruction mining causes to raise international awareness and make proposals to combat it.
In other cases, Indigenous communities have defended their territories as criminal organizations with an interest in mining have encroached. This resistance has put some Indigenous groups living in Venezuela’s Amazon in great danger. However, it has meant that some have been able to protect their lands from environmental crime.
Similarly, in Ecuador’s Amazon, some Indigenous communities have taken an active role in combating environmental crime. They have been pushed to do this as a result of scarce state efforts to tackle crimes, such as illegal logging.
Local communities in the region often collaborate with non-governmental organizations, which provide them with training to better patrol their territories using technology.
On the other hand, Ecuador’s Ministry of the Environment has been involved in a handful of programs that bring aboard local communities and NGOs to target environmental crime.
The ministry’s “Socio Bosque” program, launched in 2008, provided economic incentives to get communities involved in forest conservation. While it offered some promise, its impact was limited by the nation’s subsequent economic crisis.
Non-governmental organizations have also collaborated with the nation’s Ministry of the Environment. From 2014, WCS Ecuador and the Ministry of Environment started working toward the official implementation of a platform called SMART (Spatial Monitoring and Reporting Tool), which is used to record illegal activities in ten protected areas across Ecuador.
Prior to this, in 2001, the ministry worked with private sector groups to develop an independent forest control system. It established a control body called Green Surveillance (Vigilancia Verde), which monitored timber trade flows from forests to markets. It also introduced a body of independent forestry advisors, called Forestry Advisory (Regencia Forestal). Finally, it handed over administrative and inspection duties to the private sector.
The impact of this specific initiative was questionable, as illegal logging and timber trafficking have since continued to thrive in Ecuador. On top of this, it is important to note that these collaborative initiatives undertaken with the Ministry of Environment’s backing are still relatively rare. More often, local communities work with NGOs or come up with their own solutions to fend off environmental crime.
However, if implemented efficiently, and with the correct expertise, public-private partnerships offer great promise in tackling environmental crime across Ecuador’s Amazon.
In contrast to Bolivia, Venezuela, and Ecuador, civil society groups in Guyana are hardly involved in fighting environmental crime, as environmental education in the country is relatively low.
However, members of some Amerindian communities have fought back against those encroaching on their territories. On top of this, a handful of civil society organizations have worked with these communities to help them tackle the aftermath of environmental crime, including mercury pollution.
In Suriname, civil society groups largely perform an awareness-raising function to combat environmental crime. However, their impact in reducing such activities is limited, due to the state’s lack of interest and logistical difficulties in reaching remote zones of the nation’s interior.
Local initiatives like the “NO KWIK,” a project funded by the Environment and Mining Foundation of Suriname and Suriname Conservation Foundation, raise awareness around the impact of mining activities, sharing the dangers of mercury pollution with local communities.
Other non-governmental organizations like the Amazon Conservation Team Suriname (ACT Suriname) and the Foundation for Forest Management and Supervision (SBB) also work to raise awareness.
At an international level, the Alliance for Responsible Mining (ARM), World Wildlife Fund Guianas, the Institute of Research and Development (IRD), and the University of Quebec in Montreal (UQAM) united to work on the “Supporting Mercury Phase-out in the Guianas” project. This, too, aimed to raise awareness around the impact mercury used in mining can have on people and surrounding ecosystems.
These organizations have made great leaps in raising awareness around environmental crimes in Suriname. However, such groups can do little to fully stamp out these activities without authorities onboard.
NGOs are largely based in the nation’s capital, Paramaribo. They have limited access to the nation’s interior, where environmental crimes are being committed. Meanwhile, successive governments and state authorities have failed to curb environmental degradation themselves. This has placed an overwhelming burden on NGOs to address a large part of these crimes alone.
*Juan Diego Cárdenas, Katie Jones, Nienke Laan, Javier Lizcano, Julian Lovregio, Scott Mistler-Ferguson, Isaac Norris, and María Fernanda Ramírezcontributed to this investigation.
InSight Crime has partnered with the Igarapé Institute – an independent think tank headquartered in Brazil, that focuses on emerging development, security and climate issues – to trace the environmental crimes and criminal actors driving deforestation across the Amazon. See the investigations.
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The Week 12 fantasy football injury report is intriguing, as several big names are coming out of Week 11 dealing with injuries. Let’s examine the significance of the injuries to Joe Mixon, Mike Williams, Clyde Edwards-Helaire, Kadarius Toney, and more as we look ahead to a Week 12 highlighted by the Thanksgiving tripleheader.
Fantasy Football Injury Report Week 12
Joe Mixon, CIN | Concussion
Mixon left the Cincinnati Bengals’ Week 11 game with a concussion. The average time for concussion absences is 6-10 days this season. Therefore, it’s touch and go whether we’ll see Mixon in Week 12.
In Mixon’s absence, Samaje Perine had a big day with three receiving touchdowns. Perine is worth a speculative waiver wire add in deeper leagues. However, next week is a tough matchup for Cincy’s backs as they face the Tennessee Titans, who have been good at restricting RBs so far this season.
If Mixon misses the game, Perine would not be a slam-dunk starter in 12-team leagues. With no bye weeks in the NFL for Thanksgiving week, there will be less urgency to start every back that should have a leading role for their teams. Perine is a greater priority in 14-team leagues and deeper.
Nonetheless, as Perine demonstrated last week, he has a high potential in the passing game. Consequently, he has put himself firmly in the frame as a late-round option in Underdog Fantasy Best Ball leagues for the remainder of the season.
Mike Williams, WR | Ankle
Unfortunately, Mike Williams’ return to the Los Angeles Chargers did not even last a full half. Having recovered from his ankle injury to play against the Kansas City Chiefs in Week 12, LA ruled out Williams by halftime on Sunday Night Football.
Williams was seen jogging on the sideline during the second quarter but did not have his helmet. It was no surprise to see the Chargers rule him out heading into the second half. We will need to see what the long-term ramifications of the injury are. Hopefully, it was just a minor tweak of the previous injury as opposed to a serious issue that will keep him out for an extended time.
When head coach Brandon Staley spoke to the media Monday he said it was a re-aggravation of the ankle injury but that it was not considered “a significant re-injury.”
This week was always going to be a weird one for the Chargers’ WRs, with both Allen and Williams returning from injury. Therefore, it is tough to read too much into Josh Palmer and DeAndre Carter seeing the majority of snaps, as that could change with Allen seemingly healthy. Allen’s snap share should only increase going forward.
If Williams misses more time, it will likely be between Palmer and Carter for the other role in two-WR sets. The offense preferred Palmer in that role earlier in the season, so he should be the priority in lineups next week if Williams misses the game.
Justin Fields, CHI | Shoulder
Justin Fields left the field on a cart at the end of the game. It seemed like Fields was bothered by something in the second half, as he was not his usual dynamic self. However, it was difficult to pinpoint the injury until he was seen leaving the field holding his shoulder.
All we know right now is that the team doctors will evaluate Fields, and we will reportedly get an update from the Bears on Wednesday. If he were to miss time, Trevor Siemian would be the backup. However, that would have limited value in terms of a direct replacement for Fields.
Siemian might boost the passing game in some aspects, as he would be less keen to take off and run with the ball. Although, it would be an overall net downgrade for fantasy. The concern if Fields tries to play through the injury is that it would impact his dynamism and lead to him being a less definitive starting option than he has been in recent weeks.
Kadarius Toney, KC | Hamstring
After Toney had been healthy through the last two games for the Chiefs, the hamstring issue popped up again in the first half of their Week 11 game. Prior to the injury, Toney had been playing as the third receiver behind Marquez Valdes-Scantling and Justin Watson.
We will now need to wait for further updates on Toney’s hamstring as he is evaluated during the week. If Toney misses some time, Watson should be the third WR at worst. If JuJu Smith-Schuster cannot come back from his concussion, Watson could be in line to start next week.
Clyde Edwards-Helaire, KC | Ankle
Edwards-Helaire left the game in the middle of the first quarter with an ankle injury. Prior to the injury, CEH and Isiah Pacheco were combining for work in the Chiefs’ backfield. Kansas City appeared to be making a more concerted effort to get him involved this week before the injury.
After CEH left the game, Pacheco was the main back on early downs, with Jerick McKinnon seeing time on passing downs and around the goal line. If Kansas City rules out CEH, we would likely see Ronald Jones active on game days, but it is tough to know what his role would be at the moment.
Pacheco should be a top waiver wire priority this week if he is still available. Meanwhile, Jones is an intriguing deeper-league stash. If CEH misses time, Jones could be the handcuff to Pacheco on early downs for however long CEH is out.
Jaylen Warren, PIT | Hamstring
The biggest relevance of Jaylen Warren’s hamstring injury is to the fantasy value of Najee Harris. We did not see much of Benny Snell in relief of Harris, which is in contrast to when Warren is healthy. Harris has been improving his output in recent weeks and is back to a must-start if Warren misses time.
Snell is a consideration to stash in deeper leagues if he sees consistent work in Warren’s absence. He would also likely be the handcuff to Harris in the case of an injury to the Pittsburgh Steelers’ lead back.
Chase Edmonds, DEN | Ankle
The injury situation with Chase Edmonds’ ankle could end up having a significant impact on fantasy values in Denver. Early in the game, Melvin Gordon and Edmonds handled the majority of the work. However, after the injury, it was Latavius Murray as the early-down back and Gordon as the third-down back.
On Monday, we found out that Edmonds could miss multiple weeks with a high-ankle sprain while Gordon was released. That could lead to Marlon Mack being active in Week 12, with Devine Ozigbo elevated from the practice squad. However, the majority of value should be for Murray, who could see 25-plus touches this week.
Wan’Dale Robinson, NYG | Knee
The knee injury for Wan’Dale Robinson is frustrating — he appeared to be on track for a big day as a primary part of the offense. Unfortunately, head coach Brian Daboll confirmed Robinson tore his ACL in yesterday’s loss to Detroit.
In Robinson’s absence, Darius Slayton appears to be the receiver that could carry the most value.
Matt Stafford, LAR | Concussion
This is Matt Stafford’s second concussion in three weeks, and that means it is a major concern. The Los Angeles Rams QB will almost certainly miss Week 12, and it could be even longer. Neither John Wolford nor Bryce Perkins offers a lot of upside, especially with the Rams having some tough matchups in the coming weeks.
Outside of Superflex formats, it is hard to make a case for stashing Stafford. This offense has looked disjointed all year, and without Cooper Kupp, that doesn’t look likely to improve. Stafford’s upside is limited — and he is, for all intents and purposes, droppable right now.
